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JFKunsilenced
案例简介：ScriptInEnglish 我们是作为音频条目而不是传统的广播广告来进入这篇文章的。该音频可在《泰晤士报》网站上在线获得。尽管在播客和电台促销活动中出现了部分演讲，但完整的演讲持续了 22 分钟，所以只能在网上获得。这是演讲稿的剧本。以下是约翰 · F · 肯尼迪定于 1963年11月22日在达拉斯的贸易市场发表的演讲全文。肯尼迪在到达目的地之前被暗杀了。“我很荣幸受邀在达拉斯公民委员会年度会议上发言, 达拉斯大会的成员也加入了进来，很高兴有这个机会向西南大学的研究生研究中心致敬。达拉斯进步的这两个象征联合起来赞助这次会议是恰当的。因为他们代表了这个城市领导和学习的最佳品质，领导和学习是彼此不可或缺的。学习的进步依赖于社区领导的财政政治支持，而这种学习的产品反过来又对领导层持续进步和繁荣的希望至关重要。从麻省理工学院到加州理工学院，那些拥有最好的研究和研究生设施的社区往往会吸引新的和不断增长的行业，这不是巧合。我祝贺你们这些在达拉斯的人，他们通过创建独特和前瞻性的研究生研究中心认识到这些基本事实。领导和学习之间的这种联系不仅在社区一级至关重要。它在世界事务中更加不可或缺。无知和错误的信息会阻碍一个城市或一个公司的进步，但是如果外交政策允许，他们会阻碍这个国家的安全。在一个充满复杂和持续问题的世界里，在一个充满挫折和烦恼的世界里,美国的领导地位必须以学习和理性的光芒为指导 -- 否则，那些将言辞与现实、看似合理与可能相混淆的人，将会以他们看似迅速而简单的解决方案获得民众的优势每一个世界问题。在这片土地上总是会听到不同政见的声音，表达反对，没有选择，找错但从不偏袒，感知每一方的悲观情绪，寻求没有责任的影响。这些声音是不可避免的。但是今天，在陆地上听到了其他的声音 -- 声音宣扬的理论完全与现实无关，完全不适合 60 岁的人，这些理论显然认为没有武器的话就足够了, 这种折磨和胜利一样好，和平是软弱的标志。在国债对我们经济的负担稳步减少的时候，他们 [认为债务是对我们安全的最大威胁。在我们稳步减少为每千名公民服务的联邦雇员数量的时候，他们对那些所谓的公务员的恐惧远远超过了反对派军队的实际人数。我们不能指望每个人，用十年前的一句话，会 “对美国人民讲道理”。“但是我们可以希望更少的人会听废话。这个国家正通过赤字走向失败，或者力量只是口号的问题，这种想法只不过是无稽之谈。我今天想和你讨论我们的安全状况，因为这个问题显然需要最负责任的领导素质和最开明的学术成果。因为这个国家的力量和安全不容易或廉价地获得，也不容易和简单地解释。有很多种力量，没有一种力量就足够了。压倒性的核力量无法阻止游击战。正式的联盟协议无法阻止内部颠覆。展示物质财富不能阻止遭受歧视的外交官的幻灭。最重要的是，光靠语言是不够的。美国是一个和平的国家。如果我们的力量和决心是明确的，我们的话语只需要传达信念，而不是好战。如果我们强大，我们的力量就会不言自明。如果我们软弱，言语将毫无帮助。我意识到这个国家往往倾向于将世界事务的转折点与之前的主要地址联系起来。但让整个欧洲远离这个半球的不是门罗主义 -- 而是英国舰队的力量和大西洋的宽度。让共产主义脱离西欧的不是马歇尔将军在哈佛的演讲，而是我们的军事和经济援助带来的力量和稳定。在本届政府中，有时也有必要发出具体的警告 -- 警告我们不能袖手旁观，看着共产党用武力征服老挝，或者干预刚果或西南地区允许西柏林，或者对古巴保持进攻性导弹。但是，虽然我们的目标至少是在这些和其他情况下暂时获得的，但我们成功地捍卫自由并不是因为我们使用的语言, 但是，为了我们准备捍卫的原则，我们随时准备使用的力量。这种力量由许多不同的因素组成，从最大的威慑到最微妙的影响。需要所有类型的力量 -- 没有人能独自完成这项工作。因此，让我们花点时间回顾一下这个国家在每个主要力量领域的进展。首先，正如麦克纳马拉国务卿上周一在讲话中明确指出的那样，美国的战略核力量在过去 1,000 天里实现了极大的现代化和扩张, 通过快速生产和部署最现代化的导弹系统,任何和所有潜在的侵略者现在都清楚地面临着战略胜利的不可能和彻底毁灭的必然 -- 如果他们通过鲁莽的攻击向我们强加战略回应的必要性。在不到 3 年的时间里，我们计划在下一财年生效的北极星潜艇数量增加了 50%，我们的北极星采购计划总额增加了 70% 以上, 我们的民兵购买计划增加了 75% 以上,我们的战略轰炸机在 15 分钟警戒部队中的比例增加了 50%。我们在这些武器方面采取的步骤进一步加强了我们的安全，以提高它们的反应速度和确定性，它们随时准备做出反应，它们在攻击中幸存下来的能力, 以及他们通过安全指挥行动被仔细控制和指挥的能力。但是，过去十年的教训告诉我们，仅靠战略核力量无法捍卫自由。因此，在过去三年里，我们加快了战术核武器的发展和部署，并将部署在西欧的战术核力量增加了 60%。欧洲或任何其他大陆也不能仅仅依靠核力量，无论是战略还是战术。我们已经从根本上提高了我们常规部队的战备状态 -- 增加了作战准备师数量的 45%，增加了 100% 采购现代陆军武器和装备, 我们对船舶建造、改装和现代化项目的采购增加了 100%,我们采购的战术飞机增加了 100%，战术空军中队增加了 30%，海军陆战队的力量也增加了。上个月起源于德克萨斯州的 “大举行动” 非常清楚地表明, 这个国家前所未有地准备在出奇地短时间内将大量的人转移到世界任何地方的高级职位。我们增加了 175% 的空运飞机采购，我们现有的战略空运能力也增加了 75%。最后，超越我们军队的传统角色, 我们的特种部队增加了近 600%，这些部队准备与我们的盟友和朋友一起打击游击队、破坏者, 以不那么直接但同样危险的方式威胁自由的叛乱分子和刺客。但是美国的军事力量不应该也不需要单独对抗国际共产主义的野心。我们的安全和力量，在最后的分析中，直接取决于他人的安全和力量, 这就是为什么我们的军事和经济援助在让那些生活在共产主义世界边缘的人保持他们选择的独立性方面发挥着如此关键的作用。我们对这些国家的援助可能是痛苦的、危险的和昂贵的，今天的东南亚也是如此。但是我们不敢厌倦这项任务。因为我们的援助使得在共产主义边境驻扎 350万名盟军士兵成为可能，而维持相当数量的美国士兵的费用是 10分之1。共产主义在这些领域的成功突破，需要美国的直接干预，将花费我们整个对外援助项目的几倍，也可能花费我们大量的美国人的生命。我们大约 70% 的军事援助用于位于共产主义集团边界或其附近的九个关键国家 -- 九个直接或间接面临共产主义侵略威胁的国家 -- 越南, 解放中国、韩国、印度、巴基斯坦、泰国、希腊、土耳其和伊朗。这些国家中没有一个拥有自己的资源来维持我们自己的参谋长认为出于共同利益需要的力量。减少我们训练、装备和协助他们军队的努力只能鼓励共产主义渗透，并及时要求增加海外部署美国作战部队。减少支持这些承诺帮助捍卫自由的国家所需的经济帮助也会产生同样的灾难性结果。简而言之，如果没有军事和经济援助所需的 500亿美元，我们每年在国防上花费的 40亿美元很可能是无效的。我们的对外援助计划的规模没有增长，相反，它现在比前几年小。它有它的弱点，但我们已经承诺纠正它们。处理弱点的正确方法是用力量取代它们，而不是通过削弱基本项目来增加这些弱点。在政府内外，没有比我们被滥用的外国援助项目更好的投资形式了。我们不能失去它。我们有能力维护它。例如，我们当然可以为我们 19 个拉丁美洲贫困邻国做同样多的事情，就像共产主义集团只向古巴岛派遣一样。我谈到的力量主要是在威慑和抵抗侵略和攻击方面。但是在今天的世界里，没有一枪，没有选票和子弹，自由就会丧失。我们领导的成功取决于对我们在世界上的使命以及我们的导弹的尊重 -- 取决于对自由的美德以及暴政的邪恶的更明确的认识。这就是为什么我们的信息机构将美国之音的短波广播能力增加了一倍，广播时间增加了 30%, 将对古巴和拉丁美洲的西班牙语广播从每天 1 小时增加到 9 小时,为拉丁美洲读者翻译和出版的美国书籍数量增加了 7 倍，达到 350万册, 并采取了一系列其他措施，将我们关于真理和自由的信息带到地球的各个角落。这也是为什么我们重新获得了探索外层空间的主动权，使每年的努力超过了 50 年间所有空间活动的总和, 将 130 多颗飞行器送入地球轨道，投入实用有价值的气象和通信卫星,向所有人表明，美利坚合众国无意在太空中获得第二名。这一努力代价高昂 -- 但它为自由和美国付出了自己的代价。因为自由世界不再担心共产主义在太空的领导将成为霸权的永久主张和军事优势的基础。对美国科学、美国工业、美国教育和美国自由企业制度的实力和技能不再有任何疑问。简而言之，我们国家的太空努力代表了我们国家实力的巨大收益和巨大资源 -- 德克萨斯州和德克萨斯州都对这一优势做出了巨大贡献。最后，现在应该清楚的是，一个国家在国外不可能比在国内更强大。只有一个奉行它所宣扬的平等权利和社会正义的美国才会受到那些选择影响我们未来的人的尊重。只有一个对公民进行充分教育的美国，才完全有能力解决复杂的问题，感知我们生活的世界的潜在危险。只有一个经济上不断增长和繁荣的美国才能维持全世界对自由的捍卫，同时向所有有关方面展示我们制度和社会的机遇。因此，很明显, 我们正在通过最近创纪录的国民收入和产出增长来加强我们的安全和经济 -- 在商业扩张速度和利润方面领先于大多数西欧公司利润,通过保持比几乎所有海外竞争对手更稳定的价格水平，并按照我的提议，将个人和公司所得税削减约 110亿美元, 确保这个国家在我们和平时期经济史上持续时间最长、最强劲的扩张。这个国家的总产出 -- 三年前达到 5000亿美元大关 -- 将很快超过 6000亿美元，在三年内创纪录地增长 1000亿美元。历史上第一次，我们有 7000万名男女在工作。历史上第一次，工厂的平均收入超过了每周 100 美元。公司税后利润在不到 3 年的时间里增长了 43%，这是历史上第一次达到 274亿美元的年度水平。我的朋友和同胞: 我引用这些事实和数字来表明，今天的美国比以往任何时候都更强大。我们的对手没有放弃他们的野心，我们的危险没有减少，我们的警惕不能放松。但是现在我们有了军队、科学和经济力量，可以做任何必须做的事情来维护和促进自由。这种力量永远不会用于 pursu它具有侵略性的野心 -- 它将永远用于追求和平。它永远不会被用来促进挑衅 -- 它将永远被用来促进和平解决争端。我们，在这个国家，在这一代，是 -- 命运而不是选择 -- 世界自由墙上的守望者。因此，我们要求我们能够配得上我们的力量和责任，我们能够以智慧和克制来行使我们的力量, 我们可以在我们的时代和所有的时间里实现 “地球上的和平，对人类的善意” 的古老愿景。 “这必须永远是我们的目标,我们事业的正义必须永远是我们力量的基础。正如很久以前写的那样: “除了上帝保持城市，守望者醒来，但徒劳。” 实施 Dallas Trade Mart 演讲是世界第一，人工智能音频演讲完全由数百种不同质量和音频的旧演讲数据制成。这种突破性的技术包括智能拼接语音的小语音片段 -- 通常大约 250,000 个单独的片段，持续时间缩短到 3 毫秒。声音的组合通过几个月的艰苦的声音工程被选择并平滑在一起。执行允许我们的读者最终听到以 JFK 自己的声音发表的贸易市场演讲。 EntrySummary Dallas Trade Mart 演讲是世界第一，人工智能音频演讲完全由数百种不同质量和音频的旧演讲数据制成。这种突破性的技术包括智能拼接语音的小语音片段 -- 通常大约 250,000 个单独的片段，持续时间缩短到 3 毫秒。声音的组合通过几个月的艰苦的声音工程被选择并平滑在一起。执行允许我们的读者最终听到以 JFK 自己的声音发表的贸易市场演讲。 简要解释 1963 年，没有人听到肯尼迪总统非常重要的贸易市场演讲。2018 年，《泰晤士报》利用声音设计和音频技术，将他无言的演讲吸引了 10亿多人。
JFKunsilenced
案例简介：ScriptInEnglish We are entering this piece as an Audio entry rather than a traditional radio ad. The audio was available online on The Times website. Although segments of the speech featured in podcasts and radio promotions The full speech was 22 minutes long so was only available online. Here’s the script of the speech. Following is the text of the speech that John F. Kennedy was scheduled to give at the Trade Mart in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963. Kennedy was assassinated before he reached the destination. “I am honored to have this invitation to address the annual meeting of the Dallas Citizens Council, joined by the members of the Dallas Assembly — and pleased to have this opportunity to salute the Graduate Research Center of the Southwest. It is fitting that these two symbols of Dallas progress are united in the sponsorship of this meeting. For they represent the best qualities, I am told, of leadership and learning in this city — and leadership and learning are indispensable to each other. The advancement of learning depends on community leadership for financial political support, and the products of that learning, in turn, are essential to the leadership’s hopes for continued progress and prosperity. It is not a coincidence that those communities possessing the best in research and graduate facilities — from MIT to Cal Tech — tend to attract new and growing industries. I congratulate those of you here in Dallas who have recognized these basic facts through the creation of the unique and forward-looking Graduate Research Center. This link between leadership and learning is not only essential at the community level. It is even more indispensable in world affairs. Ignorance and misinformation can handicap the progress of a city or a company, but they can, if allowed to prevail in foreign policy, handicap this country’s security. In a world of complex and continuing problems, in a world full of frustrations and irritations, America’s leadership must be guided by the lights of learning and reason — or else those who confuse rhetoric with reality and the plausible with the possible will gain the popular ascendancy with their seemingly swift and simple solutions to every world problem. There will always be dissident voices heard in the land, expressing opposition without alternative, finding fault but never favor, perceiving gloom on every side and seeking influence without responsibility. Those voices are inevitable. But today other voices are heard in the land — voices preaching doctrines wholly unrelated to reality, wholly unsuited to the sixties, doctrines which apparently assume that words will suffice without weapons, that vituperation is as good as victory and that peace is a sign of weakness. At a time when the national debt is steadily being reduced in terms of its burden on our economy, they [view] that debt as the single greatest threat to our security. At a time when we are steadily reducing the number of Federal employees serving every thousand citizens, they fear those supposed hordes of civil servants far more than the actual hordes of opposing armies. We cannot expect that everyone, to use the phrase of a decade ago, will “talk sense to the American people.” But we can hope that fewer people will listen to nonsense. And the notion that this Nation is headed for defeat through deficit, or that strength is but a matter of slogans, is nothing but just plain nonsense. I want to discuss with you today the status of our security because this question clearly calls for the most responsible qualities of leadership and the most enlightened products of scholarship. For this Nation’s strength and security are not easily or cheaply obtained, nor are they quickly and simply explained. There are many kinds of strength and no one kind will suffice. Overwhelming nuclear strength cannot stop a guerrilla war. Formal pacts of alliance cannot stop internal subversion. Displays of material wealth cannot stop the disillusionment of diplomats subjected to discrimination. Above all, words alone are not enough. The United States is a peaceful nation. And where our strength and determination are clear, our words need merely to convey conviction, not belligerence. If we are strong, our strength will speak for itself. If we are weak, words will be of no help. I realize that this Nation often tends to identify turning-points in world affairs with the major addresses which preceded them. But it was not the Monroe Doctrine that kept all Europe away from this hemisphere — it was the strength of the British fleet and the width of the Atlantic Ocean. It was not General Marshall’s speech at Harvard which kept communism out of Western Europe — it was the strength and stability made possible by our military and economic assistance. In this administration also it has been necessary at times to issue specific warnings — warnings that we could not stand by and watch the Communists conquer Laos by force, or intervene in the Congo, or swallow West Berlin, or maintain offensive missiles on Cuba. But while our goals were at least temporarily obtained in these and other instances, our successful defense of freedom was not due to the words we used, but to the strength we stood ready to use on behalf of the principles we stand ready to defend. This strength is composed of many different elements, ranging from the most massive deterrents to the most subtle influences. And all types of strength are needed — no one kind could do the job alone. Let us take a moment, therefore, to review this Nation’s progress in each major area of strength. First, as Secretary McNamara made clear in his address last Monday, the strategic nuclear power of the United States has been so greatly modernized and expanded in the last 1,000 days, by the rapid production and deployment of the most modern missile systems, that any and all potential aggressors are clearly confronted now with the impossibility of strategic victory — and the certainty of total destruction — if by reckless attack they should ever force upon us the necessity of a strategic reply. In less than 3 years, we have increased by 50 percent the number of Polaris submarines scheduled to be in force by the next fiscal year, increased by more than 70 percent our total Polaris purchase program, increased by more than 75 percent our Minutemen purchase program, increased by 50 percent the portion of our strategic bombers on 15-minute alert forces. Our security is further enhanced by the steps we have taken regarding these weapons to improve the speed and certainty of their response, their readiness at all times to respond, their ability to survive an attack, and their ability to be carefully controlled and directed through secure command operations. But the lessons of the last decade have taught us that freedom cannot be defended by strategic nuclear power alone. We have, therefore, in the last three years accelerated the development and deployment of tactical nuclear weapons, and increased by 60 percent the tactical nuclear forces deployed in Western Europe. Nor can Europe or any other continent rely on nuclear forces alone, whether they are strategic or tactical. We have radically improved the readiness of our conventional forces — increased by 45 percent of the number of combat ready Army divisions, increased by 100 percent the procurement of modern Army weapons and equipment, increased by 100 percent our procurement of our ship construction, conversion, and modernization program, increased by 100 percent our procurement of tactical aircraft, increased by 30 percent the number of tactical air squadrons, and increased the strength of the Marines. As last month’s “Operation Big Lift” — which originated here in Texas — showed so clearly, this Nation is prepared as never before to move substantial numbers of men in surprisingly little time to advanced positions anywhere in the world. We have increased by 175 percent the procurement of airlift aircraft, and we have already achieved a 75 percent increase in our existing strategic airlift capability. Finally, moving beyond the traditional roles of our military forces, we have achieved an increase of nearly 600 percent in our special forces — those forces that are prepared to work with our allies and friends against the guerrillas, saboteurs, insurgents and assassins who threaten freedom in a less direct but equally dangerous manner. But American military might should not and need not stand alone against the ambitions of international communism. Our security and strength, in the last analysis, directly depend on the security and strength of others, and that is why our military and economic assistance plays such a key role in enabling those who live on the periphery of the Communist world to maintain their independence of choice. Our assistance to these nations can be painful, risky, and costly, as is true in Southeast Asia today. But we dare not weary of the task. For our assistance makes possible the stationing of 3.5 million allied troops along the Communist frontier at one-tenth the cost of maintaining a comparable number of American soldiers. A successful Communist breakthrough in these area, necessitating direct United States intervention, would cost us several times as much as our entire foreign aid program, and might cost us heavily in American lives as well. About 70 percent of our military assistance goes to nine key countries located on or near the borders of the Communist-bloc — nine countries confronted directly or indirectly with the threat of Communistic aggression — Vietnam, Free China, Korea, India, Pakistan, Thailand, Greece, Turkey, and Iran. No one of these countries possesses on its own the resources to maintain the forces which our own Chiefs of Staff think needed in the common interest. Reducing our efforts to train, equip, and assist their armies can only encourage Communist penetration and require in time the increased overseas deployment of American combat forces. And reducing the economic help needed to bolster these nations that undertake to help defend freedom can have the same disastrous result. In short, the $50 billion we spend each year on our own defense could well be ineffective without the $4 billion required for military and economic assistance. Our foreign aid program is not growing in size, it is, on the contrary, smaller now than in previous years. It has had its weaknesses, but we have undertaken to correct them. And the proper way of treating weaknesses is to replace them with strength, not to increase those weaknesses by emasculating essential programs. Dollar for dollar, in or out of government, there is no better form of investment in our national security than our much-abused foreign aid program. We cannot afford to lose it. We can afford to maintain it. We can surely afford, for example, to do as much for our 19 needy neighbors of Latin America as the Communist bloc is sending to the island of Cuba alone. I have spoken of strength largely in terms of the deterrence and resistance of aggression and attack. But in today’s world, freedom can be lost without a shot being fired, by ballots as well as bullets. The success of our leadership is dependent upon respect for our mission in the world as well as our missiles — on a clearer recognition of the virtues of freedom as well as the evils of tyranny. That is why our Information Agency has doubled the shortwave broadcasting powers of the Voice of America and increased the number of broadcasting hours by 30 percent, increased Spanish language broadcasting to Cuba and Latin America from one to nine hours a day, increased seven-fold to more than 3.5 million copies the number of American books being translated and published for Latin American readers, and taken a host of other steps to carry our message of truth and freedom to all the far corners of the earth. And that is also why we have regained the initiative in the exploration of outer space, making an annual effort greater than the combined total of all space activities undertaken during the fifties, launching more than 130 vehicles into earth orbit, putting into actual operation valuable weather and communications satellites, and making it clear to all that the United States of America has no intention of finishing second in space. This effort is expensive — but it pays its own way, for freedom and for America. For there is no longer any fear in the free world that a Communist lead in space will become a permanent assertion of supremacy and the basis for military superiority. There is no longer any doubt about the strength and skill of American science, American industry, American education, and the American free enterprise system. In short, our nation’s space effort represents a great gain in, and a great resource of, our national strength — and both Texas and Texans are contributing greatly to this strength. Finally, it should be clear by now that a nation can be no stronger abroad than she is at home. Only an America which practices what it preaches about equal rights and social justice will be respected by those whose choice affects our future. Only an America which has fully educated its citizens is fully capable of tackling the complex problems and perceiving the hidden dangers of the world in which we live. And only an America which is growing and prospering economically can sustain the worldwide defenses of freedom, while demonstrating to all concerned the opportunities of our system and society. It is clear, therefore, that we are strengthening our security as well as our economy by our recent record increases in national income and output — by surging ahead of most of Western Europe in the rate of business expansion and the margin of corporate profits, by maintaining a more stable level of prices than almost any of our overseas competitors, and by cutting personal and corporate income taxes by some $11 billion, as I have proposed, to assure this Nation of the longest and strongest expansion in our peacetime economic history. This Nation’s total output — which three years ago was at the $500 billion mark — will soon pass $600 billion, for a record rise of over $100 billion in three years. For the first time in history we have 70 million men and women at work. For the first time in history average factory earnings have exceeded $100 a week. For the first time in history corporation profits after taxes — which have risen 43 percent in less than 3 years — have an annual level of $27.4 billion. My friends and fellow citizens: I cite these facts and figures to make it clear that America today is stronger than ever before. Our adversaries have not abandoned their ambitions, our dangers have not diminished, our vigilance cannot be relaxed. But now we have the military, the scientific, and the economic strength to do whatever must be done for the preservation and promotion of freedom. The strength will never be used in pursuit of aggressive ambitions — it will always be used in pursuit of peace. It will never be used to promote provocations — it will always be used to promote the peaceful settlement of disputes. We, in this country, in this generation, are — by destiny rather than by choice — the watchmen on the walls of world freedom. We ask, therefore, that we may be worthy of our power and responsibility, that we may exercise our strength with wisdom and restraint, and that we may achieve in our time and for all time the ancient vision of “peace on earth, good will toward men.” That must always be our goal, and the righteousness of our cause must always underlie our strength. For as was written long ago: “except the Lord keep the city, the watchmen waketh but in vain.” Implementation The Dallas Trade Mart Speech is a world first, an Ai audio speech made completely out of data from hundreds of old speeches of varying quality and audio. This breakthrough technique involves smart splicing small phonetic fragments of speech - typically around 250,000 individual segments, down to 3 milliseconds in duration. Combinations of sounds are selected and smoothed together by months of painstaking sound engineering The execution allowed our readers to finally hear the Trade Mart Speech delivered in JFK’s own voice. EntrySummary The Dallas Trade Mart Speech is a world first, an Ai audio speech made completely out of data from hundreds of old speeches of varying quality and audio. This breakthrough technique involves smart splicing small phonetic fragments of speech - typically around 250,000 individual segments, down to 3milliseconds in duration. Combinations of sounds are selected and smoothed together by months of painstaking sound engineering The execution allowed our readers to finally hear the Trade Mart Speech delivered in JFK’s own voice. BriefExplanation In 1963 nobody got to hear President Kennedy’s hugely important Trade Mart Speech. In 2018, using sound design & audio technology The Times brought his Unsilenced speech to the attention of over 1 billion people.
JFKunsilenced
案例简介：ScriptInEnglish 我们是作为音频条目而不是传统的广播广告来进入这篇文章的。该音频可在《泰晤士报》网站上在线获得。尽管在播客和电台促销活动中出现了部分演讲，但完整的演讲持续了 22 分钟，所以只能在网上获得。这是演讲稿的剧本。以下是约翰 · F · 肯尼迪定于 1963年11月22日在达拉斯的贸易市场发表的演讲全文。肯尼迪在到达目的地之前被暗杀了。“我很荣幸受邀在达拉斯公民委员会年度会议上发言, 达拉斯大会的成员也加入了进来，很高兴有这个机会向西南大学的研究生研究中心致敬。达拉斯进步的这两个象征联合起来赞助这次会议是恰当的。因为他们代表了这个城市领导和学习的最佳品质，领导和学习是彼此不可或缺的。学习的进步依赖于社区领导的财政政治支持，而这种学习的产品反过来又对领导层持续进步和繁荣的希望至关重要。从麻省理工学院到加州理工学院，那些拥有最好的研究和研究生设施的社区往往会吸引新的和不断增长的行业，这不是巧合。我祝贺你们这些在达拉斯的人，他们通过创建独特和前瞻性的研究生研究中心认识到这些基本事实。领导和学习之间的这种联系不仅在社区一级至关重要。它在世界事务中更加不可或缺。无知和错误的信息会阻碍一个城市或一个公司的进步，但是如果外交政策允许，他们会阻碍这个国家的安全。在一个充满复杂和持续问题的世界里，在一个充满挫折和烦恼的世界里,美国的领导地位必须以学习和理性的光芒为指导 -- 否则，那些将言辞与现实、看似合理与可能相混淆的人，将会以他们看似迅速而简单的解决方案获得民众的优势每一个世界问题。在这片土地上总是会听到不同政见的声音，表达反对，没有选择，找错但从不偏袒，感知每一方的悲观情绪，寻求没有责任的影响。这些声音是不可避免的。但是今天，在陆地上听到了其他的声音 -- 声音宣扬的理论完全与现实无关，完全不适合 60 岁的人，这些理论显然认为没有武器的话就足够了, 这种折磨和胜利一样好，和平是软弱的标志。在国债对我们经济的负担稳步减少的时候，他们 [认为债务是对我们安全的最大威胁。在我们稳步减少为每千名公民服务的联邦雇员数量的时候，他们对那些所谓的公务员的恐惧远远超过了反对派军队的实际人数。我们不能指望每个人，用十年前的一句话，会 “对美国人民讲道理”。“但是我们可以希望更少的人会听废话。这个国家正通过赤字走向失败，或者力量只是口号的问题，这种想法只不过是无稽之谈。我今天想和你讨论我们的安全状况，因为这个问题显然需要最负责任的领导素质和最开明的学术成果。因为这个国家的力量和安全不容易或廉价地获得，也不容易和简单地解释。有很多种力量，没有一种力量就足够了。压倒性的核力量无法阻止游击战。正式的联盟协议无法阻止内部颠覆。展示物质财富不能阻止遭受歧视的外交官的幻灭。最重要的是，光靠语言是不够的。美国是一个和平的国家。如果我们的力量和决心是明确的，我们的话语只需要传达信念，而不是好战。如果我们强大，我们的力量就会不言自明。如果我们软弱，言语将毫无帮助。我意识到这个国家往往倾向于将世界事务的转折点与之前的主要地址联系起来。但让整个欧洲远离这个半球的不是门罗主义 -- 而是英国舰队的力量和大西洋的宽度。让共产主义脱离西欧的不是马歇尔将军在哈佛的演讲，而是我们的军事和经济援助带来的力量和稳定。在本届政府中，有时也有必要发出具体的警告 -- 警告我们不能袖手旁观，看着共产党用武力征服老挝，或者干预刚果或西南地区允许西柏林，或者对古巴保持进攻性导弹。但是，虽然我们的目标至少是在这些和其他情况下暂时获得的，但我们成功地捍卫自由并不是因为我们使用的语言, 但是，为了我们准备捍卫的原则，我们随时准备使用的力量。这种力量由许多不同的因素组成，从最大的威慑到最微妙的影响。需要所有类型的力量 -- 没有人能独自完成这项工作。因此，让我们花点时间回顾一下这个国家在每个主要力量领域的进展。首先，正如麦克纳马拉国务卿上周一在讲话中明确指出的那样，美国的战略核力量在过去 1,000 天里实现了极大的现代化和扩张, 通过快速生产和部署最现代化的导弹系统,任何和所有潜在的侵略者现在都清楚地面临着战略胜利的不可能和彻底毁灭的必然 -- 如果他们通过鲁莽的攻击向我们强加战略回应的必要性。在不到 3 年的时间里，我们计划在下一财年生效的北极星潜艇数量增加了 50%，我们的北极星采购计划总额增加了 70% 以上, 我们的民兵购买计划增加了 75% 以上,我们的战略轰炸机在 15 分钟警戒部队中的比例增加了 50%。我们在这些武器方面采取的步骤进一步加强了我们的安全，以提高它们的反应速度和确定性，它们随时准备做出反应，它们在攻击中幸存下来的能力, 以及他们通过安全指挥行动被仔细控制和指挥的能力。但是，过去十年的教训告诉我们，仅靠战略核力量无法捍卫自由。因此，在过去三年里，我们加快了战术核武器的发展和部署，并将部署在西欧的战术核力量增加了 60%。欧洲或任何其他大陆也不能仅仅依靠核力量，无论是战略还是战术。我们已经从根本上提高了我们常规部队的战备状态 -- 增加了作战准备师数量的 45%，增加了 100% 采购现代陆军武器和装备, 我们对船舶建造、改装和现代化项目的采购增加了 100%,我们采购的战术飞机增加了 100%，战术空军中队增加了 30%，海军陆战队的力量也增加了。上个月起源于德克萨斯州的 “大举行动” 非常清楚地表明, 这个国家前所未有地准备在出奇地短时间内将大量的人转移到世界任何地方的高级职位。我们增加了 175% 的空运飞机采购，我们现有的战略空运能力也增加了 75%。最后，超越我们军队的传统角色, 我们的特种部队增加了近 600%，这些部队准备与我们的盟友和朋友一起打击游击队、破坏者, 以不那么直接但同样危险的方式威胁自由的叛乱分子和刺客。但是美国的军事力量不应该也不需要单独对抗国际共产主义的野心。我们的安全和力量，在最后的分析中，直接取决于他人的安全和力量, 这就是为什么我们的军事和经济援助在让那些生活在共产主义世界边缘的人保持他们选择的独立性方面发挥着如此关键的作用。我们对这些国家的援助可能是痛苦的、危险的和昂贵的，今天的东南亚也是如此。但是我们不敢厌倦这项任务。因为我们的援助使得在共产主义边境驻扎 350万名盟军士兵成为可能，而维持相当数量的美国士兵的费用是 10分之1。共产主义在这些领域的成功突破，需要美国的直接干预，将花费我们整个对外援助项目的几倍，也可能花费我们大量的美国人的生命。我们大约 70% 的军事援助用于位于共产主义集团边界或其附近的九个关键国家 -- 九个直接或间接面临共产主义侵略威胁的国家 -- 越南, 解放中国、韩国、印度、巴基斯坦、泰国、希腊、土耳其和伊朗。这些国家中没有一个拥有自己的资源来维持我们自己的参谋长认为出于共同利益需要的力量。减少我们训练、装备和协助他们军队的努力只能鼓励共产主义渗透，并及时要求增加海外部署美国作战部队。减少支持这些承诺帮助捍卫自由的国家所需的经济帮助也会产生同样的灾难性结果。简而言之，如果没有军事和经济援助所需的 500亿美元，我们每年在国防上花费的 40亿美元很可能是无效的。我们的对外援助计划的规模没有增长，相反，它现在比前几年小。它有它的弱点，但我们已经承诺纠正它们。处理弱点的正确方法是用力量取代它们，而不是通过削弱基本项目来增加这些弱点。在政府内外，没有比我们被滥用的外国援助项目更好的投资形式了。我们不能失去它。我们有能力维护它。例如，我们当然可以为我们 19 个拉丁美洲贫困邻国做同样多的事情，就像共产主义集团只向古巴岛派遣一样。我谈到的力量主要是在威慑和抵抗侵略和攻击方面。但是在今天的世界里，没有一枪，没有选票和子弹，自由就会丧失。我们领导的成功取决于对我们在世界上的使命以及我们的导弹的尊重 -- 取决于对自由的美德以及暴政的邪恶的更明确的认识。这就是为什么我们的信息机构将美国之音的短波广播能力增加了一倍，广播时间增加了 30%, 将对古巴和拉丁美洲的西班牙语广播从每天 1 小时增加到 9 小时,为拉丁美洲读者翻译和出版的美国书籍数量增加了 7 倍，达到 350万册, 并采取了一系列其他措施，将我们关于真理和自由的信息带到地球的各个角落。这也是为什么我们重新获得了探索外层空间的主动权，使每年的努力超过了 50 年间所有空间活动的总和, 将 130 多颗飞行器送入地球轨道，投入实用有价值的气象和通信卫星,向所有人表明，美利坚合众国无意在太空中获得第二名。这一努力代价高昂 -- 但它为自由和美国付出了自己的代价。因为自由世界不再担心共产主义在太空的领导将成为霸权的永久主张和军事优势的基础。对美国科学、美国工业、美国教育和美国自由企业制度的实力和技能不再有任何疑问。简而言之，我们国家的太空努力代表了我们国家实力的巨大收益和巨大资源 -- 德克萨斯州和德克萨斯州都对这一优势做出了巨大贡献。最后，现在应该清楚的是，一个国家在国外不可能比在国内更强大。只有一个奉行它所宣扬的平等权利和社会正义的美国才会受到那些选择影响我们未来的人的尊重。只有一个对公民进行充分教育的美国，才完全有能力解决复杂的问题，感知我们生活的世界的潜在危险。只有一个经济上不断增长和繁荣的美国才能维持全世界对自由的捍卫，同时向所有有关方面展示我们制度和社会的机遇。因此，很明显, 我们正在通过最近创纪录的国民收入和产出增长来加强我们的安全和经济 -- 在商业扩张速度和利润方面领先于大多数西欧公司利润,通过保持比几乎所有海外竞争对手更稳定的价格水平，并按照我的提议，将个人和公司所得税削减约 110亿美元, 确保这个国家在我们和平时期经济史上持续时间最长、最强劲的扩张。这个国家的总产出 -- 三年前达到 5000亿美元大关 -- 将很快超过 6000亿美元，在三年内创纪录地增长 1000亿美元。历史上第一次，我们有 7000万名男女在工作。历史上第一次，工厂的平均收入超过了每周 100 美元。公司税后利润在不到 3 年的时间里增长了 43%，这是历史上第一次达到 274亿美元的年度水平。我的朋友和同胞: 我引用这些事实和数字来表明，今天的美国比以往任何时候都更强大。我们的对手没有放弃他们的野心，我们的危险没有减少，我们的警惕不能放松。但是现在我们有了军队、科学和经济力量，可以做任何必须做的事情来维护和促进自由。这种力量永远不会用于 pursu它具有侵略性的野心 -- 它将永远用于追求和平。它永远不会被用来促进挑衅 -- 它将永远被用来促进和平解决争端。我们，在这个国家，在这一代，是 -- 命运而不是选择 -- 世界自由墙上的守望者。因此，我们要求我们能够配得上我们的力量和责任，我们能够以智慧和克制来行使我们的力量, 我们可以在我们的时代和所有的时间里实现 “地球上的和平，对人类的善意” 的古老愿景。 “这必须永远是我们的目标,我们事业的正义必须永远是我们力量的基础。正如很久以前写的那样: “除了上帝保持城市，守望者醒来，但徒劳。” 实施 Dallas Trade Mart 演讲是世界第一，人工智能音频演讲完全由数百种不同质量和音频的旧演讲数据制成。这种突破性的技术包括智能拼接语音的小语音片段 -- 通常大约 250,000 个单独的片段，持续时间缩短到 3 毫秒。声音的组合通过几个月的艰苦的声音工程被选择并平滑在一起。执行允许我们的读者最终听到以 JFK 自己的声音发表的贸易市场演讲。 EntrySummary Dallas Trade Mart 演讲是世界第一，人工智能音频演讲完全由数百种不同质量和音频的旧演讲数据制成。这种突破性的技术包括智能拼接语音的小语音片段 -- 通常大约 250,000 个单独的片段，持续时间缩短到 3 毫秒。声音的组合通过几个月的艰苦的声音工程被选择并平滑在一起。执行允许我们的读者最终听到以 JFK 自己的声音发表的贸易市场演讲。 简要解释 1963 年，没有人听到肯尼迪总统非常重要的贸易市场演讲。2018 年，《泰晤士报》利用声音设计和音频技术，将他无言的演讲吸引了 10亿多人。
JFKunsilenced
案例简介：ScriptInEnglish We are entering this piece as an Audio entry rather than a traditional radio ad. The audio was available online on The Times website. Although segments of the speech featured in podcasts and radio promotions The full speech was 22 minutes long so was only available online. Here’s the script of the speech. Following is the text of the speech that John F. Kennedy was scheduled to give at the Trade Mart in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963. Kennedy was assassinated before he reached the destination. “I am honored to have this invitation to address the annual meeting of the Dallas Citizens Council, joined by the members of the Dallas Assembly — and pleased to have this opportunity to salute the Graduate Research Center of the Southwest. It is fitting that these two symbols of Dallas progress are united in the sponsorship of this meeting. For they represent the best qualities, I am told, of leadership and learning in this city — and leadership and learning are indispensable to each other. The advancement of learning depends on community leadership for financial political support, and the products of that learning, in turn, are essential to the leadership’s hopes for continued progress and prosperity. It is not a coincidence that those communities possessing the best in research and graduate facilities — from MIT to Cal Tech — tend to attract new and growing industries. I congratulate those of you here in Dallas who have recognized these basic facts through the creation of the unique and forward-looking Graduate Research Center. This link between leadership and learning is not only essential at the community level. It is even more indispensable in world affairs. Ignorance and misinformation can handicap the progress of a city or a company, but they can, if allowed to prevail in foreign policy, handicap this country’s security. In a world of complex and continuing problems, in a world full of frustrations and irritations, America’s leadership must be guided by the lights of learning and reason — or else those who confuse rhetoric with reality and the plausible with the possible will gain the popular ascendancy with their seemingly swift and simple solutions to every world problem. There will always be dissident voices heard in the land, expressing opposition without alternative, finding fault but never favor, perceiving gloom on every side and seeking influence without responsibility. Those voices are inevitable. But today other voices are heard in the land — voices preaching doctrines wholly unrelated to reality, wholly unsuited to the sixties, doctrines which apparently assume that words will suffice without weapons, that vituperation is as good as victory and that peace is a sign of weakness. At a time when the national debt is steadily being reduced in terms of its burden on our economy, they [view] that debt as the single greatest threat to our security. At a time when we are steadily reducing the number of Federal employees serving every thousand citizens, they fear those supposed hordes of civil servants far more than the actual hordes of opposing armies. We cannot expect that everyone, to use the phrase of a decade ago, will “talk sense to the American people.” But we can hope that fewer people will listen to nonsense. And the notion that this Nation is headed for defeat through deficit, or that strength is but a matter of slogans, is nothing but just plain nonsense. I want to discuss with you today the status of our security because this question clearly calls for the most responsible qualities of leadership and the most enlightened products of scholarship. For this Nation’s strength and security are not easily or cheaply obtained, nor are they quickly and simply explained. There are many kinds of strength and no one kind will suffice. Overwhelming nuclear strength cannot stop a guerrilla war. Formal pacts of alliance cannot stop internal subversion. Displays of material wealth cannot stop the disillusionment of diplomats subjected to discrimination. Above all, words alone are not enough. The United States is a peaceful nation. And where our strength and determination are clear, our words need merely to convey conviction, not belligerence. If we are strong, our strength will speak for itself. If we are weak, words will be of no help. I realize that this Nation often tends to identify turning-points in world affairs with the major addresses which preceded them. But it was not the Monroe Doctrine that kept all Europe away from this hemisphere — it was the strength of the British fleet and the width of the Atlantic Ocean. It was not General Marshall’s speech at Harvard which kept communism out of Western Europe — it was the strength and stability made possible by our military and economic assistance. In this administration also it has been necessary at times to issue specific warnings — warnings that we could not stand by and watch the Communists conquer Laos by force, or intervene in the Congo, or swallow West Berlin, or maintain offensive missiles on Cuba. But while our goals were at least temporarily obtained in these and other instances, our successful defense of freedom was not due to the words we used, but to the strength we stood ready to use on behalf of the principles we stand ready to defend. This strength is composed of many different elements, ranging from the most massive deterrents to the most subtle influences. And all types of strength are needed — no one kind could do the job alone. Let us take a moment, therefore, to review this Nation’s progress in each major area of strength. First, as Secretary McNamara made clear in his address last Monday, the strategic nuclear power of the United States has been so greatly modernized and expanded in the last 1,000 days, by the rapid production and deployment of the most modern missile systems, that any and all potential aggressors are clearly confronted now with the impossibility of strategic victory — and the certainty of total destruction — if by reckless attack they should ever force upon us the necessity of a strategic reply. In less than 3 years, we have increased by 50 percent the number of Polaris submarines scheduled to be in force by the next fiscal year, increased by more than 70 percent our total Polaris purchase program, increased by more than 75 percent our Minutemen purchase program, increased by 50 percent the portion of our strategic bombers on 15-minute alert forces. Our security is further enhanced by the steps we have taken regarding these weapons to improve the speed and certainty of their response, their readiness at all times to respond, their ability to survive an attack, and their ability to be carefully controlled and directed through secure command operations. But the lessons of the last decade have taught us that freedom cannot be defended by strategic nuclear power alone. We have, therefore, in the last three years accelerated the development and deployment of tactical nuclear weapons, and increased by 60 percent the tactical nuclear forces deployed in Western Europe. Nor can Europe or any other continent rely on nuclear forces alone, whether they are strategic or tactical. We have radically improved the readiness of our conventional forces — increased by 45 percent of the number of combat ready Army divisions, increased by 100 percent the procurement of modern Army weapons and equipment, increased by 100 percent our procurement of our ship construction, conversion, and modernization program, increased by 100 percent our procurement of tactical aircraft, increased by 30 percent the number of tactical air squadrons, and increased the strength of the Marines. As last month’s “Operation Big Lift” — which originated here in Texas — showed so clearly, this Nation is prepared as never before to move substantial numbers of men in surprisingly little time to advanced positions anywhere in the world. We have increased by 175 percent the procurement of airlift aircraft, and we have already achieved a 75 percent increase in our existing strategic airlift capability. Finally, moving beyond the traditional roles of our military forces, we have achieved an increase of nearly 600 percent in our special forces — those forces that are prepared to work with our allies and friends against the guerrillas, saboteurs, insurgents and assassins who threaten freedom in a less direct but equally dangerous manner. But American military might should not and need not stand alone against the ambitions of international communism. Our security and strength, in the last analysis, directly depend on the security and strength of others, and that is why our military and economic assistance plays such a key role in enabling those who live on the periphery of the Communist world to maintain their independence of choice. Our assistance to these nations can be painful, risky, and costly, as is true in Southeast Asia today. But we dare not weary of the task. For our assistance makes possible the stationing of 3.5 million allied troops along the Communist frontier at one-tenth the cost of maintaining a comparable number of American soldiers. A successful Communist breakthrough in these area, necessitating direct United States intervention, would cost us several times as much as our entire foreign aid program, and might cost us heavily in American lives as well. About 70 percent of our military assistance goes to nine key countries located on or near the borders of the Communist-bloc — nine countries confronted directly or indirectly with the threat of Communistic aggression — Vietnam, Free China, Korea, India, Pakistan, Thailand, Greece, Turkey, and Iran. No one of these countries possesses on its own the resources to maintain the forces which our own Chiefs of Staff think needed in the common interest. Reducing our efforts to train, equip, and assist their armies can only encourage Communist penetration and require in time the increased overseas deployment of American combat forces. And reducing the economic help needed to bolster these nations that undertake to help defend freedom can have the same disastrous result. In short, the $50 billion we spend each year on our own defense could well be ineffective without the $4 billion required for military and economic assistance. Our foreign aid program is not growing in size, it is, on the contrary, smaller now than in previous years. It has had its weaknesses, but we have undertaken to correct them. And the proper way of treating weaknesses is to replace them with strength, not to increase those weaknesses by emasculating essential programs. Dollar for dollar, in or out of government, there is no better form of investment in our national security than our much-abused foreign aid program. We cannot afford to lose it. We can afford to maintain it. We can surely afford, for example, to do as much for our 19 needy neighbors of Latin America as the Communist bloc is sending to the island of Cuba alone. I have spoken of strength largely in terms of the deterrence and resistance of aggression and attack. But in today’s world, freedom can be lost without a shot being fired, by ballots as well as bullets. The success of our leadership is dependent upon respect for our mission in the world as well as our missiles — on a clearer recognition of the virtues of freedom as well as the evils of tyranny. That is why our Information Agency has doubled the shortwave broadcasting powers of the Voice of America and increased the number of broadcasting hours by 30 percent, increased Spanish language broadcasting to Cuba and Latin America from one to nine hours a day, increased seven-fold to more than 3.5 million copies the number of American books being translated and published for Latin American readers, and taken a host of other steps to carry our message of truth and freedom to all the far corners of the earth. And that is also why we have regained the initiative in the exploration of outer space, making an annual effort greater than the combined total of all space activities undertaken during the fifties, launching more than 130 vehicles into earth orbit, putting into actual operation valuable weather and communications satellites, and making it clear to all that the United States of America has no intention of finishing second in space. This effort is expensive — but it pays its own way, for freedom and for America. For there is no longer any fear in the free world that a Communist lead in space will become a permanent assertion of supremacy and the basis for military superiority. There is no longer any doubt about the strength and skill of American science, American industry, American education, and the American free enterprise system. In short, our nation’s space effort represents a great gain in, and a great resource of, our national strength — and both Texas and Texans are contributing greatly to this strength. Finally, it should be clear by now that a nation can be no stronger abroad than she is at home. Only an America which practices what it preaches about equal rights and social justice will be respected by those whose choice affects our future. Only an America which has fully educated its citizens is fully capable of tackling the complex problems and perceiving the hidden dangers of the world in which we live. And only an America which is growing and prospering economically can sustain the worldwide defenses of freedom, while demonstrating to all concerned the opportunities of our system and society. It is clear, therefore, that we are strengthening our security as well as our economy by our recent record increases in national income and output — by surging ahead of most of Western Europe in the rate of business expansion and the margin of corporate profits, by maintaining a more stable level of prices than almost any of our overseas competitors, and by cutting personal and corporate income taxes by some $11 billion, as I have proposed, to assure this Nation of the longest and strongest expansion in our peacetime economic history. This Nation’s total output — which three years ago was at the $500 billion mark — will soon pass $600 billion, for a record rise of over $100 billion in three years. For the first time in history we have 70 million men and women at work. For the first time in history average factory earnings have exceeded $100 a week. For the first time in history corporation profits after taxes — which have risen 43 percent in less than 3 years — have an annual level of $27.4 billion. My friends and fellow citizens: I cite these facts and figures to make it clear that America today is stronger than ever before. Our adversaries have not abandoned their ambitions, our dangers have not diminished, our vigilance cannot be relaxed. But now we have the military, the scientific, and the economic strength to do whatever must be done for the preservation and promotion of freedom. The strength will never be used in pursuit of aggressive ambitions — it will always be used in pursuit of peace. It will never be used to promote provocations — it will always be used to promote the peaceful settlement of disputes. We, in this country, in this generation, are — by destiny rather than by choice — the watchmen on the walls of world freedom. We ask, therefore, that we may be worthy of our power and responsibility, that we may exercise our strength with wisdom and restraint, and that we may achieve in our time and for all time the ancient vision of “peace on earth, good will toward men.” That must always be our goal, and the righteousness of our cause must always underlie our strength. For as was written long ago: “except the Lord keep the city, the watchmen waketh but in vain.” Implementation The Dallas Trade Mart Speech is a world first, an Ai audio speech made completely out of data from hundreds of old speeches of varying quality and audio. This breakthrough technique involves smart splicing small phonetic fragments of speech - typically around 250,000 individual segments, down to 3 milliseconds in duration. Combinations of sounds are selected and smoothed together by months of painstaking sound engineering The execution allowed our readers to finally hear the Trade Mart Speech delivered in JFK’s own voice. EntrySummary The Dallas Trade Mart Speech is a world first, an Ai audio speech made completely out of data from hundreds of old speeches of varying quality and audio. This breakthrough technique involves smart splicing small phonetic fragments of speech - typically around 250,000 individual segments, down to 3milliseconds in duration. Combinations of sounds are selected and smoothed together by months of painstaking sound engineering The execution allowed our readers to finally hear the Trade Mart Speech delivered in JFK’s own voice. BriefExplanation In 1963 nobody got to hear President Kennedy’s hugely important Trade Mart Speech. In 2018, using sound design & audio technology The Times brought his Unsilenced speech to the attention of over 1 billion people.
JFKunsilenced
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JFKunsilenced
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- 广告战役： #泰晤士报-广播-d6914#
- 广告品牌： 泰晤士报
- 发布日期： 2018-03-01
- 行业领域： 电视传媒 , 商务服务 , 影音娱乐
- 媒体类别： 海报/平面
- 广告语言： 英语
- 媒介平台： 网络
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